(Original Illustration by Anonymous)

Written by: Anonymous

Today marks the 60th day since the War in Gaza began on October 7th, 2023. 

After almost two months, Israel and Hamas managed to bargain a shaky truce, which began on November 24th and was renewed twice before collapsing (earlier than expected) on December 1st. 

Negotiations and hopes of a ceasefire remain doubtful as the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) launch more assaults onto the rest of the Gaza Strip in their hopes of wiping out the Islamist movement amidst a rising civilian death toll.

How did this all begin? Here’s a brief history of one of the world’s longest-continuing conflicts that started in the mid-20th century. 

It all goes back to the British.

Balfour’s Promise

After the fall of the Ottoman Empire in World War I, Britain took control of the area in the Middle East known as Palestine. A Jewish minority and Arab majority inhabited the land, as well as other smaller ethnic groups, including, but not limited to, Arabic-speaking Christians, the Druze, and the Samaritans. 

In 1917, the Balfour Declaration (named after then-British Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour) enshrined the British mandate over Palestine in creating a “National Home” in Palestine for Jewish people. Even the League of Nations (precursor to the United Nations) supported this idea in 1918, which gave the British even more legitimacy in their rule over the region. 

The British Mandate for Palestine was supposed to last until 1948, when the territory was expected to be able to stand alone as an independent state. 

The Aftermath of World War II

Jewish refugees fleeing persecution from Nazi Germany and Europe after the atrocities in WWII led to increased immigration into the region of Palestine. 

After an expensive victory, the British Empire realized it did not have the resources to continue operating most of its territories overseas. The empire decided to transfer responsibility to the UN.

This action led to the formation of the UN Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) in 1947. The committee proposed to divide Palestine into separate autonomous Jewish and Arab states (this was known as UN Resolution 181, the original ‘two-state solution.’)

The Arabs rejected the partition plan, and the ensuing conflict over territory led to the first Arab-Israeli War from 1948 to 1949. This war saw the deaths of 6,373 Israelis (about 4,000 fighters and 2,400 civilians), 3,700–7,000 killed from the Arab armies, and 3,000–13,000 Palestinian Arabs killed (both fighters and civilians). 

The end of the war witnessed the declaration of 78% of the land that was considered Mandatory Palestinian as Israeli, the forced expulsion and flight of approximately 700,000 Palestinians, and the subsequent destruction of over 500 Palestinian villages by Zionist militias and later the Israeli army. 

These events led to the geographical erasure of Palestine, the denial of the Palestinian right of return, the creation of a permanent Palestinian refugee population, and the fragmentation of Palestinian society. 

To Palestinians, this period from 1948 onwards is commonly referred to as The Nakba, meaning “Catastrophe” in Arabic, about the rampant destruction of Palestinian society, culture, and national identity.

Zionism and the State of Israel

Theodor Herzl, an Austrian journalist, envisioned the establishment of an independent Jewish state in the late 19th to early 20th century. Zionism emerged as a nationalist movement to establish a homeland for the Jewish people in Palestine, a region roughly corresponding to the Land of Israel in Jewish tradition.

Following Israel’s establishment, Zionism evolved into an ideology supporting the “development and safeguarding of the State of Israel.” Originating in Central and Eastern Europe in the late 19th century, it emerged as a response to growing antisemitism and the impacts of the Jewish Enlightenment, known as Haskalah.

Zionism, however, was and still is far from a monolithic movement. Its various leaders, factions, and ideologies often diverge significantly. Several forms of Zionism have emerged over the years. 

So, what are the general differences?

• Political Zionism is the successor to the original form of Zionism as perceived by Herzl, which had a secular orientation while acknowledging the cultural and religious ties to the Land of Israel. He focused more on the political and practical aspects of creating a Jewish state, envisioning a modern and secular society for Jewish people. Its emphasis on political maneuvering and international recognition of a Jewish state played a pivotal role in shaping the early Zionist movement and its aspirations for a homeland for the Jewish people.

• Liberal Zionism supports the rights of both Jewish and non-Jewish citizens in Israel. They prioritize peace, equality, and coexistence with the Palestinian population, in addition to a strong emphasis on democratic values and human rights.
  

• Labor Zionism leans toward more socialist principles. It emphasizes the importance of Jewish labor and settlement in Palestine, promoting collective farming, a.k.a kibbutzim, and cooperative communities to build a Jewish state.
  

• Revisionist Zionism is a popular faction founded by Ze’ev Jabotinsky, with a more militant and assertive approach to establishing a Jewish state with a strong emphasis on the right to self-defense and rejection of the territorial compromises proposed by mainstream Zionism.

• Cultural Zionism is a form of Zionism led by figures like Ahad Ha’am (Asher Zvi Hirsch Ginsberg), who focused on Jewish people’s cultural and spiritual revival. It stressed the importance of Jewish culture, language, and identity without necessarily prioritizing political statehood.
  

• Religious Zionism combines religious beliefs with Zionist ideology. Religious Zionists believe that the establishment of the State of Israel is a step toward the fulfillment of biblical prophecy and the redemption of the Jewish people. They emphasize the religious significance of the land of Israel and seek to incorporate Jewish religious law into the state’s governance.

In general, when people think of Zionism, they think about the more militant Revisionist Zionism or Religious Zionism. 

Critics of Zionism perceive it as a colonialist, racist, or exceptionalist ideology or movement. On the flip side, supporters of Zionism consider it a national liberation movement, aiming to restore indigenous people subjected to historical persecution and fostering a shared national identity.

The Nakba Since 1948

The current status quo started following the end of the third Arab-Israeli war, known as the 1967 Six-Day War, where the Israeli Military occupied the areas of the Palestinian territories known as the West Bank and Gaza. 

After 1967, A diaspora group known as the “Palestinian National Liberation Movement” (generally rendered in English as Fatah) rose to prominence as the key authority and voice of the Palestinian cause. 

The occupation of Gaza and the West Bank is often described by Human Rights groups and activists like Fatah as an “Open-air Prison,” as this metaphor illustrates the severe restrictions imposed on Palestinian citizens and refugees, including their freedom to travel. The Israeli government exercises stringent control and surveillance over these areas, leading to a significant curtailment of the Palestinians’ civil liberties.

Palestinians are subject to stringent regulations and restrictions that limit their ability to travel freely, engage in economic activities, and access essential services such as healthcare and education. 

To add insult to injury, the Israeli government also controls the borders of these territories, effectively deciding who can enter and leave. This has led to prolonged periods of closure, further exacerbating the hardships faced by the Palestinian population. 

The restrictions on the import of goods, including essential supplies and construction materials, have also had a detrimental impact on the economy and infrastructure of these regions. 

The use of the term “Open-air Prison” underscores the urgency and severity of the situation in Gaza and the West Bank.

The rise of Hamas and the decline of the PLO

Hamas started as the Palestinian wing of the Muslim Brotherhood. The Muslim Brotherhood is an Egyptian religious and political organization founded on advocacy for the conservative “Islamic way of life,” advocating for a move away from secularism. 

Their primary focus is on reforming existing political systems in the Arab world while embracing the idea of political activism and social responsibility, organizing charitable works and social support programs as part of its outreach to its core support base of lower-income populations. 

When Israel occupied the Palestinian territories in 1967, the Muslim Brotherhood focused on social-religious reform and on restoring Islamic values, opting not to take an active role. In 1973, Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, an influential local leader and refugee, founded the social-religious charity Mujama al-Islamiya (“Islamic center”) in Gaza as an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood. This Islamic center started as a charity organization providing humanitarian aid and refused to get into violence.

The idea of Hamas began to take form on December 10th, 1987, when several members of the Brotherhood convened the day after an incident in which an Israeli army truck had crashed into a car at a Gaza checkpoint, killing four Palestinian day workers, the impetus of the First Intifada. 

The first Intifada marked the first time Palestinians from all parts of society began resisting intensely. The protests evolved from boys throwing rocks and people marching to fighters attacking Israeli soldiers and military targets. 

It ended with the signing of the first Oslo Accords, which provided a framework for peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. This nonviolent outlook quickly changed after Islamic organizations became more involved in Palestinian politics.

The Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) is the umbrella of all Palestinian factions, excluding Hamas. The PLO agreed to the Oslo Accords, under the hopes that the aspirations of the Palestinian people could be achieved through peace talks, making a considerable compromise conceding 78% of their historic land (from a Palestinian perspective) to Israel, claiming only 22% of the remaining land to have a Palestinian state on it. 

That was the promise and the premise of Oslo. It was proposed as the ‘two-state solution’ that would come to pass by 1999.

Major sticking points were left unresolved at the time of the signing of the accords. These included concerns about territory, illegal Jewish settlements, the status of Jerusalem, Palestinian refugees, and the right to return. There was also a general lack of trust and bad-faith negotiations. 

The accords were also undermined by continued conflict and violence. The second Intifada, which began in 2000, stopped the Oslo process. None of these agreements materialized by the turn of the 21st century, leading to a decline in the Palestinian Authority’s credibility and undermining of the Oslo Accords.

In 2003, when George W. Bush launched the so-called “war on terror” against countries and organizations designated as terrorists, Hamas was included in the list of terrorist organizations. 

Since Hamas did not see itself among the ranks of Al-Qaeda and other terror groups and saw itself as a liberation/freedom-fighting group, they opted to run for elections. Winning the elections in Gaza was not the goal, but in an ironic twist, their new political party won the elections. 

The general Palestinian sentiment at the time was:

“Okay, you have been criticizing the Palestinian Authority for many years. Now, here you go. Do much better than them if you can. You are running the show now.” 

Multiple significant conflicts have taken place since, including the 2008-2009 Operation Cast Lead, 2012’s Operation Pillar of Defense, 2014’s Operation Protective Edge, the 2018-2019 Gaza Border Protests, the 2019 Gaza Rocket Attacks, and now, the 2023 Israel-Hamas War.

October 2023: Hamas Attacks

Saturday, 7th of October — a Jewish sabbath day, the end of the weeklong Jewish festival of Sukkot, and a day after the 50th anniversary of the 1973 Yom Kippur War — Hamas launched Operation al-Aqsa Flood, a coordinated assault consisting of both land and air attacks on multiple border areas of Israel. 

It is estimated that 3,000-5,000 rockets were launched during that first day. 

Paragliders with rockets descended onto a Music Festival. Multiple border crossings were breached, and more than 1,200 Israelis and foreign nationals ( mostly civilians) were killed. Two hundred and forty-eight Israelis were taken hostage during the initial attack on Israel from the Gaza Strip. 

This was the worst attack Israel has seen since its inception. 

In the aftermath of the initial attack, Israeli forces succeeded in driving Hamas militants out of southern Israel and declared war for the first time since the 1973 Yom Kippur War. 

Three hundred thousand reservists were called up, the most in the nation’s history, and declared it aimed to eliminate Hamas’s military capabilities and end its rule over the Gaza Strip. The subsequent airstrikes in the Gaza Strip resulted in a high number of Palestinian casualties and worsened the humanitarian crisis.

As of December 4th, the Israel-Hamas war has resulted in the death of over 17,000 Palestinians and Israelis combined. This includes sixty-one journalists (fifty-four Palestinian, four Israeli, and three Lebanese) and more than one hundred UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East) aid workers. 

The Gaza Health Ministry reports that over 15,000 Palestinians have been killed in the Gaza Strip, the majority of whom were women and children. 

Outside of Gaza, two hundred and forty-eight Palestinians were killed in the West Bank by the Israeli military and settlers. In contrast, nine Israelis were killed by Palestinians in the West Bank. 

Casualties have also been reported in other parts of Israel, as well as in southern Lebanon and Syria, but the exact numbers are unknown. Estimates range from a dozen to a few hundred.

How Palestinians View Hamas

In an interview with Journalist Sean Rameswaram, Khaled Al-Hroub, a Professor of Middle Eastern studies at Northwestern University in Qatar, noted that:

“For the Palestinians, Hamas and other Palestinian groups are ‘freedom fighters.’ Not necessarily everybody agrees on every single act that Hamas does. But by and large, it is considered as a nationalist, liberationist kind of group… for the outside, for Israel to start with, Hamas was designated as a terrorist organization as all other Palestinian factions. And Hamas continued to be seen as so until this very moment.”

The Palestinian Casualties

The effect of the occupation on Palestine is deeply one-sided. 

Palestinians are far more likely to be killed than Israelis. 

Fourteen years ago, B’Tselem (a Jerusalem-based non-profit organization whose stated goals are to document human rights violations in the Israeli-occupied Palestinian territories) began tracking casualties in Palestinian territories; the group has recorded 8,166 conflict-related deaths, of which 7,065 are Palestinian and 1,101 Israeli. 

To put it simply, this means that for every fifteen people killed in the conflict, thirteen are Palestinian, and two are Israeli. That number is even more staggering when you consider that there are about twice as many Israelis as there are Palestinians.

The American Hand

If you’ve noticed general sentiment about the Israel-Hamas War, you will have noticed that the US almost always supports Israel, both politically and monetarily. America has been a long-standing supporter of Israel. 

According to an interview with Joel Benin, Professor of Middle East History Emeritus at Stanford University:

“The short answer is a combination of Israel’s role in maintaining American imperial hegemony, not only in the Middle East, but even globally. And the power of the Israel lobby, which includes organizations like Christians United for Israel.”

After WWII, there was a great deal of guilt in the United States. Many people, including President Truman, thought that the way to compensate world Jewry for having stood by and done nothing to prevent the extermination of six million Jews was to give them a state in Palestine.

The genuine American embrace of Israel began after the 1967 war. 

Until the 1967 war, France was Israel’s most important Western ally and supplier of arms and aircraft, and so on. After the ‘67 war, the United States began to realize that Israel could be a Cold War asset. That’s when American military assistance to Israel began to escalate. The aftermath of 9/11 further escalated cooperation between the two countries.

Since WWII, the US has provided Israel with more than $260 billion in combined military and economic aid. In 2023, U.S. military aid to Israel exceeded $3.8 billion. This includes contributions to weapons and missile defense systems like the Iron Dome.

The U.S. provides significant political support to Israel. 

It has used its United Nations Security Council veto power forty-two times against resolutions condemning Israel. Since the war began, the US has sided with Israel in rejecting a non-binding resolution passed by the United Nations General Assembly, which called for a humanitarian ceasefire. 

A significant portion of the American public also supports Israel. 

A poll showed that Democrats sided with Israel over the Palestinians 59% to 25%, while Republicans sided with Israel 79% to 11%. It’s important to note that while the U.S. provides substantial support to Israel, it also engages with Palestinian leadership and has provided aid to the Palestinian territories, although not nearly as much.

Shifting Public Sentiment

The global response to the war has been mixed, with a majority of the West supporting Israel (except for holdouts like Spain) while a large chunk of the East and Global South side with Palestine. 

Within the US, the war has sparked various protests, demonstrations, and vigils around the world, including demands for a ceasefire, the end to the blockade in Gaza, the return of Israeli hostages, protesting war crimes, and providing more humanitarian aid to Gazans. 

Within the first ten days of the war, the US held more than 400 related protests and vigils.

Within Israel, there is extensive unrest about the actions of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his far-right government’s efforts to stoke this war, the intelligence failures of Mossad (the national intelligence agency of Israel), and concerns about the state committing genocide.

Social media is rife with misinformation as well as disinformation across all sides — propaganda from the Israeli government targeting parents of young children to antisemitic remarks by celebrities. The information warfare that resulted has led to ongoing cases of violence against both Palestinians and Israeli and Jewish people, such as the case where three Palestinian students from Brown University were shot in Vermont to a rise in antisemitic conspiracy theories. 

There is an increasing lack of nuance in public debates where any kind of criticism levied against either side is either taken in bad faith or conflated to be an extreme view. Criticism of the Israeli government and Zionism is falsely equated as antisemitism, while criticism of Hamas or Islamic revolutionary movements is treated as Islamophobic. 

This leads to more polarization. Genocide should not be tolerated, and any calls for the eradication or violence against any ethnic or religious group or identity should be reprimanded. 

However, this does not mean they are immune to criticism.

In interviews with both Israeli and Palestinian UmassD students and non-students living near Dartmouth and New Bedford, all of whom wished to remain anonymous, agreed on a few key things:

This war is hell for everyone, and very few are in favor of what the Israeli government is doing. There needs to be an extended ceasefire and negotiations to grant Palestinians full rights.

Two Israeli students and one Palestinian student even argued in favor of a secular state.

The IDF is ever more aware that it is functioning under a set of incompatible expectations from Israeli politicians and the public, who demand the elimination of Hamas; to the families of hostages, who yearn for the safe return of their loved ones; and to international allies who seek a reduction in Palestinian casualties and a definitive conclusion to the war. 

However, as the tanks roll into southern Gaza, a moment of reckoning appears imminent.